Showing posts with label Religious liberty. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Religious liberty. Show all posts

Saturday, August 22, 2020

White evangelicals' jeremiad on DC tours

Most religions exhort their followers to leave their evil/non-religious ways to move to a better future both on earth and hereafter. The religious narrative links the current woes to not accepting and adhering to religious edicts and cautions that if the people did not mend their ways, they will be replaced and/or destroyed. The unpleasant and unsatisfactory present is set between a cherished past and a glorious future. There is a call to return to the right path to avoid catastrophe. There are lamentations remembering the paradise lost in contrast to the dark present, and sorrow, despair, and grief are the main themes. Prophet Jeremiah and the Book of Lamentations are possibly the best expressions of this reoccurring religious theme.

Harvard researcher, Lauren Kerby, has written a book on how White evangelicals' tours to Washington DC help revive, support, and confirm the "Christian-origins" of the United States. Unsurprisingly, these tours strengthen religious nationalism. In an interview with the Harvard Gazette, she summarizes her book,  “Saving History: How White Evangelicals Tour the Nation’s Capital and Redeem a Christian America.”


Kerby points out that these tours, or more specifically tour guides, present white evangelicals as both insiders as well as outsiders:

While I was in D.C., I noticed these two distinct — and contradictory — stories that guides and tourists told about Christianity in the U.S. In what I call the insider narrative, they claim that America is a Christian nation and that they, as Christians, are the rightful leaders of the nation. They argue that American law, for instance, is based in biblical law, and that the founders intended that Christianity would occupy a privileged position in government. 

But they also tell stories about how the nation has abandoned its covenant with the Christian God, causing the United States to experience decline in morality and military power. This is what I call the outsider narrative: a story in which Christians are persecuted and victimized by a secular establishment that wants to erase the nation’s Christian heritage and keep conservative Christians and their values out of government.

Beyond the context of D.C., these two narratives are patterns for how white evangelicals talk about their relationship to the United States. Together, they form a jeremiad, the prophetic call for repentance and return to a past righteous state. And it’s worth noting that one of the most famous slogans of the 21st century follows this exact pattern: Make America Great Again.

Kerby also talks about how white evangelicals imagine themselves playing four roles in the American story depending on what benefits them. Two of these roles (founder and savior) focus on their position as an insider, while the other two (exile and victim) portray them as outsiders and are used to heighten their fears:

An essential part of political strategy is how you position yourself in the story you’re telling. Are you the scrappy underdog? Are you the avatar for tradition? Are you a sympathetic victim? Depending on the circumstances, you’ll probably benefit more from one position than another.

These four roles I identify — founder, exile, victim, and savior — are the different positions white evangelicals take in their political activities. They offer a lot of range, and if one isn’t working, it’s easy to switch to another role. For instance, as founders they can appeal to the authority of George Washington and other Christian leaders in early America to justify things like posting “In God We Trust” in schools. But if, say, something unflattering comes to light about a white evangelical leader, the victim role lets him dismiss it as an attack from anti-Christian forces. It’s a ready-made defense. 

Kerby also explains that her book is about white evangelicals and not all evangelicals as non-white evangelicals do not relate to the American history the same way, and the DC tours, she has written about, did not have many non-white evangelicals in them:

By now, it’s old news that 81 percent of white evangelicals voted for Donald Trump. Non-white evangelicals, however, voted against him at a similar rate. Lumping all evangelicals together, as many outlets still do, erases non-white evangelicals. Even when theology is shared across these groups, the political behaviors I’m interested in are distinct. So it’s important to be specific about which subset of evangelicals I’m talking about, and even then, it’s worth noting that white evangelicals are themselves an internally diverse group. There’s enough commonality that we can make generalizations, but there will always be exceptions.  

The other reason I emphasize this group’s whiteness is because I’m talking about their historical relationship to the United States, and race is inextricable from that. White supremacy in the United States means that white evangelicals have enjoyed privileges and safety not granted to non-white communities, evangelical or otherwise. And one of the most distinctive features of Christian heritage tours is the way they highlight white Christians in American history and exclude everyone else. I want to draw attention to that with my word choice, because it shows the entanglement of Christian nationalism with white supremacy. When tourists say “Christian America,” they mean white evangelical America. It’s much narrower than it sounds.


Sunday, July 5, 2020

4th of July and American Religious Nationalism

Is the US a Christian nation? Does embracing Christian nationalism part of being a Christian in America? Is the 4th of July a Holy Day?

Angela Denker is a Lutheran pastor in her article "Christian nationalism, the border and Fourth of July church in Dallas" critiques the close link of American nationalism and Christianity. She visits a megachurch on the 4th of July and informs how the 4th of July has become a religious holiday as are many other national holidays in America. How America is worshiped almost as an idol in many churches: 

When I got there for Saturday night worship, I found out that Prestonwood had a big Fourth of July celebration planned for Independence Day. Pastor Jack Graham promised at the beginning of Saturday worship that they’d be “celebrating our freedoms as a country ... and singing patriotic songs,” as well as offering a pastor dunk tank, games and refreshments in the Dallas summer heat.

When I walked in, I noticed that the arena-style worship space that seats 7,000 had been covered with red, white and blue American flag bunting. Flags festooned the stage, and most of the screen designs and backgrounds were red, white, and blue.

As Graham concluded his welcome for the evening service, he said, “We’re going to start with the Pledge of Allegiance, the national anthem and honoring our service members.”

I had not said the Pledge of Allegiance since elementary school, and I could not help but think of the Ten Commandments — ostensibly as influential here as the pledge. The First Commandment, as found in the Book of Exodus, warns against worshipping and pledging allegiance to a flag and not to God, but no one around me seemed to mind, so, feeling a compulsion to conform, I put my hand on my heart and mouthed the words.

We then sang “The Star-Spangled Banner” and sat as the songs for each branch of the armed forces played, and veterans and active-duty soldiers were invited to stand when their branch was called, and we applauded.

The idea of American exceptionalism having a biblical justification is not new, but Prestonwood made it fresh. The church had bright and compelling red, white and blue graphics with retro black-and-white photography, a guest preacher who specializes in travel to the Middle East, and even a special song. The video montage and song came next, followed by the guest speaker. 

Pastor Denker contrasts this deep entanglement of Christianity and the American state with another view where love of Christ and love for America are at war. She writes about her conversation with Dean Inserra, a prominent conservative evangelical pastor. He is a Liberty University graduate and the founder of City Church in Tallahassee, Florida. He is also an advisory member of the Ethics and Religious Liberty Commission of the Southern Baptist Convention.

Inserra told me about a term from Southern Baptist theology that describes the current moment in American politics and religion. “In this linking of nationalism and Christianity, we are forgetting about the message of Jesus. ... When we do that, we have a gospel distortion.”

A gospel distortion is the idea that another ideal is impeding the truth of the gospel. Inserra said the gospel distortion in the SBC during and before Trump’s presidency has its roots in Christian nationalism.

“We have to be Christian first. If you are American first, Jesus will be at odds with you,” he said. “Patriotism is not a fruit of the Spirit. It’s idolatry on the Fourth of July.”

Inserra pointed to national holidays that receive as much attention in the SBC as Christmas and Easter. “I say there are different high holy days in the Southern Baptist Church. Some churches have Pentecost and Epiphany. We have the Fourth of July, the Sunday closest to Veterans Day, the Sunday closest to Sept. 11. You go to a Southern Baptist Church on the Fourth of July, you’d think you were at a baseball game, eating a hot dog.”
Ira Stoll, a conservative editor and columnist, argued in his essay, The Theology of the Fourth of July, in Time magazine, that 4th of July is a religious holiday and it was the liberal icon President Kennedy who told us that. Ira quotes three different speeches, including his inaugural address, to prove his point. 
For instance, on July 4, 1946, Kennedy was invited to speak at the City of Boston’s Independence Day celebrations. 
Kennedy began by talking not about taxes, or about the British, or about the consent of the governed, but about religion. “The informing spirit of the American character has always been a deep religious sense. Throughout the years, down to the present, a devotion to fundamental religious principles has characterized American though and action,” he said

Ira contends that even if we ignore Kennedy, there is enough evidence from the founding documents and the founding fathers of America about the nature of the state that was imagined in the early years:
Whatever Kennedy’s motives were as a politician for emphasizing this point, on the historical substance he had it absolutely correct. The Declaration of Independence issued from Philadelphia on July 4, 1776, included four separate references to God. In addition to the “endowed by their Creator” line mentioned by JFK in his July 4 speech, there is an opening salute to “the laws of nature’s God,” an appeal to “the Supreme Judge of the World,” and a closing expression of “firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence.”

A signer of the declaration, Samuel Adams, writing to a friend on July 9, wished the declaration had been issued earlier: “If it had been done nine months ago we might have been justified in the sight of God.”

George Washington, announcing the Declaration of Independence to the troops in a General Order dated July 9, wrote, “The General hopes and trusts, that every officer and man, will endeavour to live, and act, as becomes a Christian Soldier defending the dearest Rights and Liberties of his country….knowing that now the peace and safety of his Country depends (under God) solely on the success of our arms.”
Ira ends his essay by saying that Americans can believe whatever they like but "the idea on which our nation was founded" was clearly religious.

Friday, June 6, 2014

American Secularism: A historical view of separation of the Church and the State in the US

Introduction
Religions are part of every society’s makeup and even in the most atheistic of societies, one can find more than one religion. The conflict between state and religion, therefore, is always present and states have to come up with a religious policy to deal with this conflict in a consistent way. Given the power religion has over its adherents, it may not be a surprise that most countries regulate religion. Some countries have state religions, while others are hostile toward all religions and can be termed as anti-religious. The US has long been considered an outlier in the developed world in terms of religious attendance. However, not many people know that the US is also an outlier in terms of church-state relationship (Mewes 2002).  

Fox (2008) did a survey of 175 states of the world and concluded that most of the states are not neutral toward religions and are involved in religion regulation. Almost one in four states had official religions and another two-fifths of the countries supported some religions more than others. Around 8% were hostile to all religions and only 3 (less than 2%) supported all religions equally. The US was one of the three states which supported all religions equally. Another measure, more strict than government involvement in religion, was SRAS (Separation of State and Religion). US was only country of the world which neither restricted/regulated the practicing of minority or majority religions, nor passed any religious legislation, proving that the church-state relationship in the US is unique in the world.

The traditional US principle of separation of church and state is based on the First Amendment of the US Constitution and prohibition of the requirements of religious tests for qualification of any office/ trust.

Wall of Separation between Chruch and State
Obama Bulldozes Jefferson’s Wall of Separation
Source: Illinois Family Institute (https://illinoisfamily.org/religious/obama-bulldozes-jeffersons-wall-of-separation/)


There are two religious clauses of the First Amendment. The Establishment Clause states, ‘Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion’. The Free Exercise Clause states, ‘or prohibiting the free exercise thereof’. 

The article 6 of the US Constitution dealt with the requirement of religious tests 
‘… no religious Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust under the United States’.

These two clauses and article 6 have been interpreted differently by judges in different eras. Judges have agreed on the minimum application of the Establishment Clause, which is that there would be no established or endorsed church. Beyond this, however, there is no agreement. Similarly, there is controversy about how Free Exercise Clause should be interpreted (Long 2012). 

The US in the Eighteenth Century
To fully understand these injunctions of the US Constitution, one has to study the circumstances in which the Framers of the constitution were operating in late eighteenth century. The following discussion will demonstrate that there was a conflict between an elite, which believed in religious freedom, and masses which did not. In the US Constitution, the elite managed to have their way and religious freedom was guaranteed, without any provisos. However, except for clear restrictions on religious tests in oaths, there was nothing specific about religious freedom in the Constitution which allowed the lower level governments to move towards church-state separation enshrined in the Constitution at their own pace. The necessity for immediate change was further downgraded by the actions of the Supreme Court which did not feel the need to enforce the Bill of Rights. 

Religious diversity
Many of the earliest Europeans who immigrated to the US were religious dissenters. Pilgrims, Puritans, Quakers, Huguenots and many other came to the US after being persecuted in their own countries. Facing persecution in their own countries, unfortunately, didn’t make them accept the importance of religious liberty and many of these groups (e.g. Puritans) tried to persecute others for not following what they believed. 

These efforts, however, gradually lost their force as colonial America became more and more diverse. This diversity in religious practice was not only the result of immigration from different corners of Europe but also changes/divisions in many denominations/sects as grew in the US (Holmes 2006). Another important element in religious diversity of the colonial America was the dominance of different denominations in different colonies. Despite being part of British Empire, major sections of populations in many colonies didn’t follow the Anglican Church. 

Even for someone, who didn’t believe in religious liberty, it was obvious that choosing one religion/sect and making others accept it without fear and fight was impossible (Wright 2010).     

Founding Fathers, Sons of the Enlightenment
European Enlightenment philosophy had enormous influence on the making of the US Constitution. Many of the most important members of the Constitutional Convention and other important personalities of American Revolution were inspired by the Enlightenment thinkers like John Locke, Rousseau, Voltaire, and Montesquieu etc. The ideas of limited government, natural rights, separation of powers and religious liberty were all ideas first popularized by the Enlightenment philosophers. Locke and Montesquieu's writings have been regarded as having the most influence on the US Constitution. Persecution because of one’s religious or other beliefs was an idea close to the Enlightenment thinkers like Voltaire, who himself suffered, and this idea influenced Jefferson, Washington, Madison, and others. 

There is an ongoing controversy on what the Framers truly wanted. Did they want high or low wall of separation? This question assumes that all the Framers thought alike which is implausible. Munoz (2009) has shown though none of the three main founders accepted the strict separation of church and state, Jefferson, Washington, and Madison had each a different view about the relationship between church and state. According to Munoz, ‘There is no single church-state position that can claim the exclusive authority of America’s founding history and that no one Founder’s position can be assumed to reflect the original meanings of the religion clauses’.

Ironically, Thomas Jefferson, who coined the term "wall of separation," allowed the use of federal funds to build churches and to support Christian missionary work.

Religious intolerance
Though circumstances in the colonial America at the time of independence were better than the past and also better than many European countries, it was still a religiously intolerant society. Therefore, it would not be correct to think of religious liberty as a popular concept outside the elite that Founding Father belonged to. Anti-Catholicism was prevalent in newly independent America and there were a large number of laws which restricted the ability of Catholics, Jews, and atheists Americans to live as normal citizens (Davis 2010).    

State Rights
Finally, State Rights was another idea which favored religious liberty, although, at the time of the making of the US Constitution, it didn’t stop states from persecuting or prescribing atheists etc. Due to the diversity of the state’s views on religious liberty and inclination of the Framers to leave most of the powers to the state governments, the original constitution didn’t have much on religious freedom except Article 6 and even after First Amendment was added, it was not enforced for almost a century.  

Church-State Relationship in Practice 
Though the US Constitution didn’t see many changes in terms of its provisions relating to the church-state relationship, the way constitution was applied changed immensely during the two hundred and fifty years of US history. One important thing to be kept in mind is the federal nature of the US government where most of the action happens at the local and state level and the federal government has few tools to affect anything happening at lower levels. Changing church-state relationship at the lower levels was particularly difficult as, on this issue, there was neither agreement in the Congress and nor an appetite to touch this sensitive subject among the legislators. Only Supreme Court had the powers to build the wall of separation that it later did. So, for studying the church-state relationship, rulings of the Court are very important (Jelen 2010).

Looking at the important US Supreme Court decisions relating to religion, one is surprised to see that the first important decision relating to religion was delivered in 1879. Compare it with the 1960s, when seven landmark cases relating to religion were decided by the US Supreme Court. The difference is not because of any constitutional change but because of the changing nature of the American society and the Supreme Court.  

Three periods can be distinguished in the US history in terms of church-state relations.

1776-1868
During this period, the federal government and courts generally maintained separation between church and state in their own sphere of influence. However, federal officers and judges did not apply the separation at the state level.  They considered it a prerogative of the states to decide their relationship with the churches. Therefore, while many states applied the First Amendment whole heartedly, others didn’t and there were no consequences. Maryland raised taxes to support ministers, Massachusetts legislature approved the idea of multiple establishments, and Pennsylvanian officials had to take an oath, declaring their belief in God. Some form of religious establishment continued in many states long after the start of the 19th century (Wright 2010).

It is true that at federal government level, separation of church and state was reiterated in treaty with Tripoli and in the delivery of post on Sundays but federal government influence was minimal in the first half of 19th century and what mattered to people were policies at state and local level where state-religion separation was most often not present. The Supreme Court, the one branch which could have done something about it, was more concerned about state right, rather than individual rights. Justice Marshall opined in Barron v. Baltimore (1933) that the Bill of Rights should not be used for limiting state powers. (Wright 2010)

1869-1939
After the Civil War, 14th Amendment in the US Constitution was passed which among other things made the Bill of Rights applicable to the states of the Union.   

The relevant section of the 14th Amendment of the US Constitution states, ‘..nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law..’

It was only after the passage of 14th Amendment that Supreme Court started applying the Bill of Rights to the states as part of the due process required. This process of ‘incorporation’ of Bill of Rights was, however, a slow process as the Supreme Court was still very sensitive to the local laws. So while Supreme Court gave some decisions applying the Bill of Rights, none of them were related to Establishment Clause or Free Exercise Clause. In fact, the only decision related to religion that Supreme Court gave during this period was related to a federal law. Supreme Court decided in Reynolds v. United States (1879) that Free Exercise Clause allowed universal freedom of belief but not freedom of action which is restricted.   

1940 onwards    
During the 1940s, what has been called ‘the New Deal era’, the Supreme Court broadened its interpretation of the federal government powers. This not only helped the New Deal laws but also had implications for the wall of separation between church and state as both Establishment Clause and the Free Exercise Clause were interpreted more broadly. Justice Hugo Black, an associate Supreme Court judge, was instrumental in bringing this change. The following figure shows the difference between how "wall" was interpreted in the eighteenth century and in the mid-twentieth century.


The two walls of separation
Source: The Gospel Coalition (https://blogs.thegospelcoalition.org/justintaylor/2015/07/16/the-urban-legend-that-thomas-jefferson-believed-in-a-wall-separating-church-and-state/)

The church-state relationship during this era is discussed more broadly in the following section. 

US Government v. Religious Freedom
The need of religious freedom and state often do not conflict. The regular conflict between state and religious freedom is characteristic of only those states which have a state religion and give preference to their state religion over other religions or over atheism or agnosticism. These states usually have laws which make religious conversion difficult (unless it is to the state religion) and put additional liabilities on religious minorities. These states thus restrict an individual’s freedom of belief.

Most of the developed states, like the US, usually do not restrict individual’s freedom of belief and practice. Therefore, state, instead of restricting religious freedom in these countries, protects and promotes religious freedom. The conflicts that arise between religious freedom and such developed states are due to three reasons. First, a state has a responsibility to protect its citizens, especially those who are not in a position to protect themselves. If widely accepted obligation of the state comes into conflict with religious freedom, then religious freedom has to be restricted. Second, a state has to decide when fundamental freedoms of two persons are in conflict. While the fundamentals of the religious freedom are agreed upon, the outer reaches of the religious freedom are hotly contested. Finally, a state may force on its citizen some restrictions, which it considers absolutely necessary for social good. These restrictions are usually very few. 

US experience
Religious freedom in the US was restricted in the 18th and 19th centuries. As discussed above, state restricted the freedom of religious minorities in public sphere. Many states had some form of established religion till late in the 19th century. It was only in the 1830s that Jews were allowed to be elected and vote (Maryland State Archives 2013). Add to it the long history of burning of black churches and restrictions on African-American population of the US, which the Southern states governments, explicitly or implicitly, supported even well into the twentieth century (Brooks 1922, SimmsParis 1998). The issue was, of course, racial hatred but it did make it difficult for African-Americans to participate in their religious practices without fear. So, historically, the US has not done well in terms of protecting the religious freedom of certain sections of its society and despite the apparent legal religious freedom, Christian/Protestant ideas have circumscribed what ‘others’ can do (Sehat 2010). The reason for restriction on religious freedom was, however, not needs of the government but social prejudice.

It is only after the Second World War that major restrictions on religious freedom were based on the need of government. The US government and Supreme Court had to violate one in favor of other in a balancing act. Major areas of disagreement are explained below

Public Schools
A large number of Supreme Court cases relate to public schools where community and individual rights come into conflict on a daily basis. In a large number of cases, Supreme Court has made it clear that any type of religious prayer, instruction and speech goes against religious freedom. Even normal actions, such as giving gifts to one’s class fellows, were denied based on their link with a particular religion.   

Vaccination
The issue of exemption from vaccination based on religious belief is a difficult one. On one side is the religious freedom of a group of people which feel violated and sinned against. On the other side are millions of others which have protected themselves by being vaccinated based on the current medical scholarship but are still vulnerable because of the group which has decided to opt out of this program. In two cases Jacobson v. Massachusetts (1905) and Zucht v. King (1922), Supreme Court decided that the protection of the community is more important than religious freedom of a group (Novak 2005).

Harm to Children
There are many cases in which state restricted the freedom of religion of parents to protect their children from harm. The case of Rebecca Corneau, who was jailed for not revealing the location of her infant baby after one of her previous baby was found starved to death, resulted in a large controversy as it pitted the strange alliance of feminists and religious rights against the state (Wald 2003, Nicilosi 2000).  

Religious Freedom v. other freedoms
A number of cases involving Jehovah Witnesses’ proselytizing practices brought in conflict religious freedom and other freedoms e.g. right of individual privacy or social peace. Although most of these cases were decided on the basis of Free Speech Clause, it brought to a sharp picture the fact that religious practices of some can cause difficulties for many. Another type of cases was related to the workplace. It is hard to unpack Supreme Court decisions and decide whether the court favored religious freedom of an individual or gave preference to ordinary laws/practice. 

Conclusion
The US state has done well in sufficiently accommodating practices of religious minorities. The branch which has most contributed to this atmosphere of religious freedom is the judicial branch. Since the 1940s, Supreme Court and other courts have forced other organs of state to not only stop actions which restrict the rights of a particular religion but also forbidden most religious actions in the public sphere. Critics can point to few decisions which went the opposite way but nobody can deny that the trend is toward more religious freedom. Two recent developments, however, put the future of these gains in doubt. First, 9/11 has started a debate among Americans about whether they have to choose between security and freedom. Many commentators and organizations declare it a false choice but it is difficult to deny that religious practices and freedoms of religious minorities (especially Muslims) are now in sharp focus. The controversy about the building of a mosque near 9/11 site shows emotions can easily be whipped up. Second, the conservative bent of the current Supreme Court (which has been called the most conservative since the 1930s) has shown that if there is a permanent conservative majority in the Supreme Court then many of the liberal gains of the last century could be declared unnecessary or unconstitutional (Chemerinsky 2010). 

Wednesday, May 28, 2014

Religious Conversion Laws and Religious Nationalism

Religious conversion laws are generally anti-religious conversion as they try to make the process of religious conversions difficult. These laws can be an indicator of growing religious nationalism. Religious nationalist countries usually have these laws as conversion from majority religion is considered tantamount to disloyalty to the state. As religion is conflated with the state, a change in religion (usually from state-preferred religion to another religion) is considered not only a rejection of previous religion but also a rejection of the state. 
Today, religious conversion was in the news because Myanmar/ Burmese authorities published the draft of a bill that would make it difficult to convert from one religion to another. The draft was published to get the opinion of the public. The proposed law is the result of efforts by Buddhist groups to stop/slow/restrict religious conversion. Although the draft law does not mention any specific religion, it is clear the effort is to stop conversion from the majority religion (Buddhism), rather than to it. News report gives the following details ( See  Myanmar Publishes Draft of Religious Conversion Bill):
Myanmar’s government on Tuesday published a draft bill on religious conversion, calling for public opinion on rules proposed by nationalist Buddhist monks which would require those who want to change faiths to first obtain permission from local authorities. Under the proposed law, anyone who wants to change their faith is required to apply to local registration teams—consisting of religious affairs, immigration, women’s affairs, education, and administration officials—for permission.
If passed, those found to be guilty of violating a list of prohibitions—which includes obstructing someone from converting—would be subject to a maximum penalty of two years imprisonment and a fine of 200,000 kyats (U.S. $200). Anyone found guilty of proselytizing could face up to a year in prison, though there is no mention of whether any action would be taken against someone who did not obtain permission to convert.
Organization of Protection of Race, Religion and Belief, a Buddhist group, pressurized the government to propose these laws after a public campaign that collected 1.3 million signatures last year. Myanmar is drifting toward religious nationalism as discussed in this blog before (See Buddhist Fundamentalism: Is it possible?).
Many Muslim religious nationalist states have religious conversion laws or restrict conversion from Islam through courts. In Saudi Arabia, for example,  religious conversion from Islam is termed as apostasy, a crime that carries the death sentence. Similarly, Iran criminalizes apostasy. In Pakistan, apostasy is not a crime despite religious parties efforts but apostates can be charged under the blasphemy law that carries the death penalty. 
Many countries that are drifting toward religious nationalism, like Myanmar, have been consistently pressurized by their majority religious groups to pass religious conversion laws. In some federations, like Malaysia and India, although there are no specific national laws on religious conversion, there are laws at the state/provincial level that restrict religious conversion.
The recent landslide victory of BJP, a Hindu nationalist party, have revived aspirations or fears of a national (anti) religious conversion law. BJP has supported religious conversion laws at the state level (See Narendra Modi (BJP) election win good for Indian economy, but scary for Christian minority) and BJP leaders have vowed to bring such law, if they win elections in 2014 (See ‘BJP will bring law against religious conversions if voted to power’).


Anti-conversion laws in Indian states
Source: Conversion of religion: India (legal aspects) 
Religious conversions are bound to increase as people have more opportunities to know about other religions so pressure from majority religious groups in states based on religious nationalism would also increase to restrict/ban religious conversions (from the majority religion, not to the majority religion). 
    
 Update: Myanmar Parliament passed the anti-conversion law in August 2015.

Thursday, March 20, 2014

Government Restrictions on Religion and Violence

In January 2014, Pew released its annual report on restrictions on religion around the world. It showed that religious hostilities reached a six-year high in 2012, the year in-focus (See Religious Hostilities Reach Six-Year High).

One of the interesting aspect was comparing the countries that scored high on social hostilities based on religion index and countries that scored high on high restrictions on religion index in 2011 and 2012. One would think that an increase in restrictions on religion would lead to more social hostilities based on religion, resulting in same countries scoring high on both indices. Not true. Although, many countries score high in both  areas (understandable as religion is very important in these countries), it appears different factors drive the two indices.

Take a look at the top ten countries on the government restrictions on religion index in 2011 and 2012. What drives this index? It appears one of the main factors is a perception in the decision-making elites of these countries that they can defy international norms of religious liberty and equal rights for religious minorities with impunity.  There are three types of countries in this list:

1.     Countries that are too small. Elites might think that what they are doing will not be detected and discussed on international media i.e. they are flying under the radar. So, there would be no repercussions. Maldives and Eritrea are examples of such countries.

2.     Countries that are too important. Elites in these countries might think they can get away with murder because international community needs them. Saudi Arabia, China and Egypt  are examples of such countries. Afghanistan can also be added in this list because international community desperately wants to show Afghanistan as a success after wasting thousands of lives and spending billions of dollars.

3.     Countries that are not considered proper members of international community. They are pariah states, often under international sanctions. Iran, Syria and Somalia are examples of such countries. North Korea would also be in this list but it was not included in the Pew survey because of lack of reliable, verifiable data. 

Government Restrictions on Religion
2011
2012
1
Egypt
Egypt
2
Saudi Arabia
China
3
Iran
Iran
4
China
Saudi Arabia
5
Indonesia
Indonesia
6
Maldives
Maldives
7
Afghanistan
Afghanistan
8
Algeria
Syria
9
Syria
Eritrea
10
Somalia
Somalia

One odd-man out is Indonesia. How come a nation which prides itself on its civic nationalism of Pancasila have so many religious restrictions? I think most of these restrictions are at the local level or third tier of government, below federation and provinces. The upper levels more or less continue to follow a less religious line. This may be the reason why such high restrictions on religion have not become an issue both inside and outside Indonesia.


Now, take a look at the top ten countries on the social hostilities based on religion index in 2011 and 2012.  What drives this index? Two main factors are state’s monopoly over use of means of violence and decision-makers’ lack of courage and/or subterfuge. Based on these factors, one can divide the countries in the list into two groups of countries, though it should be clear that these factors are not mutually exclusive.

1.     Countries where state does not have monopoly over usage of mean of violence. Violence by different types of groups is common and one of these groups are religious groups. Examples of such states are Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iraq, Somalia, Sudan, Palestinian Territories, Nigeria and many parts of India.

2. Countries where decision-maker do not have courage and maybe using subterfuge. Such decision-makers can again be divided into two types. Those who agree with discrimination and violence against religious minorities but cannot only say or support such action as this will go against their/state’s international image so they allow illegal actions to continue while publically condemning them. The other type of decision-makers are those who support equal rights of religious minorities but cannot openly act against majority religious groups because of fear of political backlash. Examples of countries that fall into this group are Israel, India, Pakistan, Indonesia and maybe Iraq.

Social Hostilities
2011
2012
1
Pakistan
Pakistan
2
India
Afghanistan
3
Russia
India
4
Israel
Somalia
5
Indonesia
Israel
6
Iraq
Iraq
7
Nigeria
Palestinian Territories
8
Somalia
Syria
9
Sudan
Russia
10
Palestinian Territories
Indonesia

From religious nationalism aspect, while Iran and Saudi Arabia are high on the list in the government restriction on religion list, Israel and Pakistan are high on the social hostilities list. What does it tells us about these states?

All these states give importance to religion and give preference to the dominant religious group. Whether these state fall in the first or second list depends on their control of violence in their own territory and their relationship with the international community, or more accurately, international powers. For states based on religious nationalism, following matrix maybe an accurate picture.

Religious nationalist states, government restrictions and social hostilities
Control violence
Cannot control violence
Defy international community
Government restrictions: High
Social hostilities: Moderate
Government restrictions: High
Social hostilities: High
Cannot defy international community
Government restrictions: Moderate
Social hostilities: Moderate
Government restrictions: Moderate
Social hostilities: High